Can Journalists Keep DOGE Accountable Through the Country’s Public Records Framework?

By: Lindsey Vickers

Depending on who you ask, the newly minted Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, might be described as the harbinger of layoffs, a threat to individual privacy, or a force for good in the federal government. If you ask an investigative journalist, the answer might be a black box. That’s because DOGE, seemingly with the aid of President Trump’s administration, is attempting to circumvent longstanding public records frameworks and laws that apply to most government agencies.

The Freedom of Information Act, or FOIA, has faced many challenges over the years—like what should an agency do when acknowledging a record’s existence could threaten national security? (The answer is the Glomar response, where the agency neither confirms nor denies the record even exists.) But DOGE poses a unique challenge to government transparency and public records law from a legal standpoint. 

What is FOIA and why does it exist? 

FOIA was signed into law in 1966 in response to a rise in government secrecy stemming from the Cold War. Since then, FOIA has provided American journalists, researchers, and everyday citizens access to documents revealing “what their government is up to,” one of the prominent policy purposes underpinning the law, according to a famous FOIA case

The only, albeit major, catch? FOIA applies to executive branch agencies in the federal government. Departments, like the Department of Agriculture and the Department of Education, are examples of federal agencies that FOIA applies to. Examples of agencies that receive high volumes of FOIA requests include the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Defense, the Department of Justice, and the Social Security Administration. It does not cover congressional or judiciary records.

What about the president and his offices, as head of the executive branch? Presidential and vice presidential records are not typically subject to FOIA disclosure. Many are protected by the presidential communications privilege, or statutory exemptions. For example, FOIA exempts records related to national security

But, not all records originating in the White House are shielded from disclosure. FOIA’s definition of “agency” explicitly includes “other establishment[s] in the executive branch of the government (including the Executive Office of the President).” The Executive Office of the President includes the White House Chief of Staff, and other personnel who support the president to make it possible for them to govern effectively. Other offices under the president are also subject to FOIA, like the White House Office of Management and Budget, for example.  

What is the relationship between DOGE and FOIA? 

DOGE is a bit of an odd one out in terms of its origin and creation. Since the early days, then-presidential-elect Trump has characterized DOGE as a “department.” After all, it’s in the entity’s name. 

Shortly after taking office in January, President Trump signed an executive order “establishing and implementing” DOGE. According to White House materials, DOGE’s mission is to make the federal government “more efficient and effective” and reduce its size. 

But, DOGE is unlike virtually any other government agencies—a broad term that includes most departments in the U.S. government. That’s because typically agencies are only created by an act of Congress.  

Because federal agencies created by congress are all subject to FOIA the public, including journalists and private individuals, can request an agency’s data and information. And assuming it’s not part of a FOIA exemption, people are generally entitled to receive it. But, while people may be entitled to government records, they may still need to pay for it.  

This begs a complicated question: What exactly, in legal terms, is DOGE? And is it subject to FOIA at all?  

The answer is prickly. Early on, it appeared DOGE might be subject to FOIA. Recently, the Trump administration made an attempt to make the department untouchable by FOIA—namely, it reclassified DOGE as falling under the Executive Office of the President

The administration claims this reclassification means the records produced by DOGE are now subject to the Presidential Records Act, or PRA. The PRA shields records from disclosure when their sole function is to advise and assist the president. This makes the records exempt from FOIA, shielding many of DOGE’s actions and choices from the public gaze by making its documentation inaccessible. 

Several non-profit organizations are already challenging DOGE’s evasion of FOIA. One plaintiff filed a lawsuit challenging the administration’s classification of DOGE records as subject to the PRA. Another plaintiff challenged DOGE’s failure to respond to a public records request within 10-days, as required by FOIA for certain records requests

How is the DOGE-FOIA question affecting reporters? 

CNN’s recent public records request for security clearances of DOGE workers was denied in an email that simply read: “good luck with that.” (Apparently, a number of Office of Personnel Management staffers were fired—which appears to include some of those responsible with replying to FOIA requests like the one CNN submitted.) 

Some details about DOGE and its inner workings are getting out through careful reporting and inside sources. However, reporters have limited ways to gather information on subjects like DOGE staffers’ security clearances, and internal messages, without public records requests. And, even if reporters are able to ascertain certain information, public records requests are one of the proven ways to verify accuracy. 

With employees who manage FOIA being laid off, and records requests being ignored, there’s just one thing left to do: wait and see. Only time will tell if the courts believe DOGE’s structure makes it subject to the current FOIA and public records framework, or if its records are truly exempt as presidential records and out of reporters’ reach.

Stopping the Shakedown: Can States Fight Back Against Patent Trolls?

By: Alexander Tranquill

When did patent trolling become so hard? At first, it seemed like the perfect business model—patent trolls, or non-practicing entities (NPEs), could simply scoop up idle patents for cheap, then turn around and assert these patents against unsuspecting companies in an infringement lawsuit. Best of all, NPEs could do all this without ever having to spend money to develop or practice (use) the patented technology. While the NPE model is completely legitimate, it is often looked down on as being adverse to the goals of patent law. Still, with little intervention from federal lawmakers, states lawmakers have stepped in, passing legislation to curb the damaging impact of NPEs on innovating companies. However, the constitutionality of these state-level measures have come under scrutiny in the pending case Micron Technology v. Longhorn IP. Now, the Federal Circuit must weigh in on whether these laws can withstand constitutional scrutiny. 

In 2023, an Idaho district court concluded that a state law aimed at disincentivizing NPE infringement claims passed constitutional muster. Specifically, the statute at issue made it “unlawful for a person to make a bad faith assertion of patent infringement in a demand letter, a complaint, or any other communication.” The constitutional challenge to this Idaho law sprang out of a patent infringement claim asserted by Longhorn IP against Micron. However, Micron had already been sued by an affiliate of Longhorn under the very same patent infringement theory, subsequently prevailing in the suit. Therefore, Longhorn saw the current litigation as a “bad faith assertion” of patent infringement, counterclaiming against Longhorn under the Idaho statute currently at issue. Because the district found the law constitutional, Longhorn appealed the ruling to the Federal Circuit. Ultimately, the upcoming Federal Circuit decision will hinge on federal preemption of state patent laws, while also implicating equivalent laws in thirty other states with its decision. 

Overall, the governance of patent law is allocated to Congress and the federal government. Specifically, under Article I of the Constitution, Congress holds the power “[t]o promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts.” Furthermore, the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause ensures that federal law takes precedence over conflicting state laws. Therefore, the question for the Federal Circuit in Micron is whether the Idaho law conflicts with federal patent law. However, this federal “preemption” question is not so simple since not every state law relating to patents is considered “in conflict” with the federal patent system. Instead, this issue often hinges on obstacle preemption, where a state law will be deemed unconstitutional if it stands “as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purpose and objectives of Congress.” In this way, the Micron decision centers on whether the Idaho law squares with the goals of the federal patent system. While the standard for obstacle preemption is often viewed as malleable, one thing is clear from past precedent: federal courts are loath to uphold laws that upset the patent bargain

Thomas Jefferson once famously uttered “ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe.” However, the patent system devised by the Founding Fathers represents a major exception to Jefferson’s rule. Instead, the federal patent system represents a necessary evil, illustrating a societal bargain artfully designed to promote science and the useful arts. As conceived, the patent system offers inventors a temporary monopoly over their creations, while ensuring the public receives the benefit of the invention following the expiration of the patent term. Essentially, this system builds a database of knowledge for the public, helping others to innovate while also rewarding inventors for their contribution.  

The importance of upholding the patent bargain has been cited implicitly and explicitly by federal courts when ruling on preemption questions. First, in Bonito Boats, the Supreme Court invalidated a Florida statute that made it unlawful to copy the hull design of a vessel manufactured by another party. The Court reasoned that the patent system rests on a delicate “balance between the need to encourage innovation and the avoidance of monopolies which stifle competition.” The Florida statute upset this balance by granting “patent-like protection[s] to boat designs not protectable by patent laws,” thus resulting in anti-competitive effects in the boat industry and upsetting the patent bargain as a result. Further, in Kewanee Oil, the Supreme Court upheld state trade secret laws, which provided trade secret protections to patent eligible subject matters. However, unlike Bonito Boats, the Court focused on promoting innovation, concluding that the remedies under the law still protect innovation while doing little to dissuade parties from seeking patent protection. Thus, the state trade secret laws at issue in Kewanee failed to upset the patent bargain, and the law was found to be constitutional. 

Like these cases dealing with preemption, the Federal Circuit in Micron will likely be influenced by the goals of the patent bargain. Again, our Constitution makes only one demand to U.S. lawmakers: “[t]o promote the Progress of Science and the useful Arts.” The Idaho law at issue in Micron specifically targets parties that assert patent infringement in bad faith; however, the impact of these baseless, bad-faith claims often have a chilling effect on innovation. Generally, when an NPE brings suit against a company, they will both demand a payment to settle the pending lawsuit and threaten costly litigation in the alternate. Therefore, even if the defendant determines they are likely to prevail on the merits of a claim, the most economical option may be to cede to the NPEs original monetary request, thus avoiding litigation costs. 

Overall, this system, with its looming litigation costs, produces conditions that allow the NPE-model to thrive. Further, these additional costs serve as a marketplace barrier for innovating companies, while also disincentivizing these companies from investing in research and development over the fear of being sued. In a research study performed in 2014, patent trolls were found to have destroyed over $60 billion annually in company wealth. Thus, as demonstrated by these inflated numbers, the economic incentive for NPEs to bring meritless claims in hopes of a quick settlement is huge. The Idaho law at issue in Micron simply tries to curb this incentive by requiring a bond to be paid by the NPE prior to litigation. The effect mitigates meritless claims by requiring a large upfront payment to use the court system. Thus, unlike Bonito Boats, where that state statute was found to harm innovation by protecting unpatentable subject matters and fostering anti-competitive behavior as a result, the law at issue in Micron actually provides a shield, seeking to reduce the number of meritless suits that are thrown at our innovating companies. In fact, the Patent Act already includes an enhanced damages provision for exceptional cases; therefore, by attempting to curtail NPEs’ effect on our businesses, the goals of the Idaho law are very much in-line with the federal directive. Overall, while the laws at issue in Micron may incidentally chill the number of filed patent infringement claims (as claimed by Longhorn), the law still promotes innovation by protecting our companies from bad-faith patent assertion. Overall then, it appears likely that the Federal Circuit will affirm the district court ruling, allowing states to use legislation to shield their most valuable companies from NPEs.

#patentlaw #NPEs #federalpreemption

Cheating in Professional Chess: The Role of Computers and Legal Implications

By: Santi Pedraza Arenas

In recent years, sophisticated technology has increasingly challenged the integrity of professional chess. While advancements in chess computing have transformed the game, they have also enabled forms of cheating that threaten the sport. This blog explores the mechanics of computer-assisted cheating, examines legal proceedings related to these controversies, and considers what the future might hold for a game that has long been celebrated as the peak of human intellect.

The New Age of Chess and the Technology Behind Cheating

The integration of computers into chess has a long history. Early experiments in computer chess began in the late 1940s with Alan Turning’s Turochamp, a rudimentary program that could evaluate a chess position. Over time, these early endeavors evolved dramatically, culminating in landmark achievements such as IBM’s Deep Blue, which defeated world champion Garry Kasparov in 1997. This victory marked a turning point in the history of chess, as computers proved to be better than the best human players. Modern engines like Stockfish and AlphaZero are even better than these early systems and have only widened the gap between man and machine.

The rise of chess computing is not synonymous with unethical practices, rather these technological advancements have played a crucial role in the growth and evolution of modern chess. Today, computer analysis is an invaluable tool for players at every level. Grandmasters and amateurs alike use these programs for training, game analysis, and preparation. Websites like Chess.com and Lichess have made high-quality chess widely accessible, fostering an environment where learning and fair competition go hand in hand. However, while the majority of chess computing is used to promote learning and fair play, the same technologies have also provided avenues for cheating.

Although any form of cheating undermines the spirit of chess, its impact tends to be less consequential at lower levels where competitive stakes are modest. The real concern arises in high-level tournaments, where significant prize money and reputations are at stake. In some instances, players have been caught using discreet electronic devices that deliver pre-calculated moves directly from a computer during a match. More elaborate schemes have involved remote assistance, where a third party or hidden software processes the live board state and communicates optimal moves to the player in real-time. 

One of the most publicized controversies emerged from a recent clash between Magnus Carlsen and Hans Niemann. Allegations surfaced that Niemann used computer assistance during his games, prompting heated discussions across the chess community and in mainstream media. The New York Times reported that the accusations not only threatened individual reputations but also cast doubt on the legitimacy of tournament results, undermining the confidence of fans and organizers. 

Legal Battles: Defamation, Evidence, and the Courtroom

The controversies surrounding computer-assisted cheating in chess have now entered the legal arena, highlighting the enormous stakes involved. Central to this legal drama is the case involving Hans Niemann, who filed a defamation lawsuit against prominent figures and platforms that publicly accused him of cheating. Niemann’s suit, which sought significant damages in Missouri federal court, highlighted major legal questions about free speech, the burden of proof, and the standards required to substantiate claims in the digital age. 

The Niemann case offers a window into the evidentiary challenges created by chess cheating scandals. In June 2023, the Missouri federal court dismissed Niemann’s lawsuit, emphasizing that he failed to meet the high burden of proof required to show that the statements made against him were both factually false and maliciously intended. This ruling highlights the difficulty of proving defamation in a field where accusations often rely on statistical analysis rather than direct evidence. As detailed in the case records, the court also reaffirmed that subjective opinions, even when damaging, are generally protected under the First Amendment. The case underscores the evolving legal standards required to substantiate cheating allegations, where digital evidence must be rigorously analyzed and verified before it can serve as the basis for punitive action. As technology continues to shape competitive chess, the legal system will likely play an increasing role in determining how to balance reputation, fairness, and free speech.

Experts emphasize that establishing wrongdoing in chess is particularly challenging. Digital evidence, unlike video or physical proof, requires specialized analysis to determine if a player’s moves correlate too closely with computer engine recommendations. Unlike physical sports, where video footage or physical evidence can capture clear evidence of rule-breaking, proving computer-assisted cheating requires a deep analysis of digital data, move timing, and even device signals. As explained in FIDE’s Anti-Cheating Guidelines from 2014, technical evidence must be meticulously gathered and interpreted by experts who can bridge the gap between raw data and legal standards.

A Path Forward: Embracing Technology and Reforming the Legal Landscape

Looking ahead, the chess community is at a crossroads. On one hand, technological advancements have greatly enriched the game, offering new methods of training and analysis that benefit players at all levels. On the other, these same tools have provided new ways to circumvent fair play, especially in tournaments where the stakes are high. The challenge now is to harness the benefits of the technology while putting in place safeguards that prevent its misuse.

Many believe that the answer lies in a combination of smarter technology and clearer legal guidelines. Advanced detection systems are already in use to monitor game data in real time, helping to flag suspicious behavior before it can affect a match. However, the framework for addressing allegations of cheating must be strengthened. This could include establishing standardized protocols for evidence collection and analysis, as well as specialized arbitration panels that understand both the nuances of chess and the complexities of digital evidence.

Moreover, these reforms must consider the broader implications of privacy and personal rights. Any new measures should aim to protect the game’s integrity without compromising individual players’ rights. For instance, while reviewing moves made over the board is standard practice, one notorious case involved searching restroom stalls at an event. Although this investigation did uncover evidence of cheating, it highlights a potential slippery slope of overreach and into privacy violations. Striking this balance is crucial, as overly intrusive measures risk alienating the very community they are designed to protect. The key lies in developing clear, internationally recognized guidelines that address both the technical and human elements of cheating, ensuring that any sanctions are both fair and proportionate.

Conclusion

The pressure of computer-assisted cheating in professional chess represents a challenge that intersects technology, ethics, and the legal domain. As the controversies and legal battles of recent years illustrate, this is not merely a matter of rule enforcement but of protecting a legacy that celebrates human ingenuity. The legal proceedings, such as Hans Niemann’s high-profile defamation suit, underscore the deep personal and professional consequences of cheating allegations. They also highlight the urgent need for a balanced approach that embraces both technological innovation and legal reform.

For the chess community, the path forward involves dual commitment: enhancing anti-cheating technologies while crafting legal frameworks that are just, transparent, and respectful of individual rights. By fostering collaboration between players, organizers, legal experts, and technology developers, the sport can work toward restoring trust and ensuring that every move on the board is a true test of human intellect.

#WJLTA #UWLAW #ChessCheating #ChessLaw

Former Unpaid “Volunteer” College Coaches Seek Millions of Dollars From the NCAA Due to Alleged Price Fixing Cartel Between Division I Universities 

By: Evan Stewart

Reform to college sports as a result of antitrust litigation is not limited to student-athletes. While Name, Image, and Likeness litigation changed the compensation opportunities for current and former student athletes, former unpaid college coaches are now also looking to be compensated for their work as volunteer coaches, a position the NCAA eliminated in 2023.

History of the NCAA and Antitrust Litigation among Athletes and Coaches

In recent years, current and former student-athletes have targeted the NCAA with antitrust lawsuits aimed at dismantling its anti-competitive practices. From the landmark decisions in O’Bannon and Alston, to the upcoming House and Hubbard settlements, the NCAA has faced constant challenges stemming from its previous rules prohibiting college athletes from receiving Name, Image, and Likeness compensation. However, until recently, there has only been one significant antitrust lawsuit against the NCAA regarding its limits on compensation for coaches.

Law v. NCAA

In Law v. NCAA, decided in 1998, a group of assistant college coaches, called “restricted earnings coaches,” (REC) challenged an NCAA cost-cutting rule that limited their potential salaries to $16,000. The REC were full-time, entry-level assistant coaches, but, unlike the head coaches and other assistant coaches, had capped salaries regardless of their experience or skills. The REC alleged that this cap was price-fixing, illegal under § 1 of the Sherman Antitrust Act, for which the NCAA could not provide pro-competitive justifications. The 10th Circuit granted a permanent injunction against the NCAA’s restricted earnings rule and awarded the coaches $54.5 million in damages, holding that the salary cap was a price-fixing agreement between competing employers, which was an illegal restraint of trade under the Sherman Act. 

Twenty-five years later, the NCAA’s compensation limit for coaches was challenged again by former “volunteer coaches. 

What is a Volunteer Coach

Until January 2023, the NCAA allowed certain sports to hire an additional “volunteer coach” under Bylaw 11.01.06. Volunteer coaches were unpaid members of a team’s coaching staff who usually performed the same duties as paid coaching staff members. Volunteer coaches often worked over forty hours per week, traveled with their teams, and helped with other coaching and supervision duties. Despite performing the same duties as paid coaching staff members, volunteer coaches “[c]ould not be paid by the institution’s athletic department or any organization funded by the athletic department.” The only compensation available to volunteer coaches was shares of revenue generated by events like camps or clinics. As a result, volunteer coaches at mid-sized or smaller schools rarely earned more than $15,000 a year and did not receive any medical or housing benefits. 

In January 2023, the NCAA Division I Council voted to eliminate the voluntary coach designation across Division I schools and transformed the volunteer position into an additional paid position. Interestingly, some coaches are wary of these NCAA changes. University of Nebraska head baseball coach Will Bolt, whose career started as a volunteer coach, believes that the new payment model may cause schools with fewer resources to avoid hiring more coaches, leading to fewer opportunities for coaches trying to begin their coaching careers.

Volunteer Coach Class Action Antitrust Lawsuits

Despite eliminating the volunteer coaching position, the NCAA still faces two class action lawsuits from former volunteer coaches who claim to have suffered antitrust injury due to the NCAA’s repealed rule.

Smart v. NCAA Class Action

The first of the two class-action lawsuits is Smart v. NCAA. In Smart, filed in November 2022, Taylor Smart (Arkansas) and Michael Hacker (UC Davis) represent a class of volunteer baseball coaches at Division I Institutions. Smart was an unpaid volunteer baseball coach at the University of Arkansas from 2018 to 2020, where the head baseball coach’s annual salary was more than $1 million.

Colon v. NCAA Class Action

The next volunteer coach lawsuit against the NCAA is Colon v. NCAA, filed in March 2023.. Joseph Colon (Fresno State wrestling), Shannon Ray (Arizona State track and field), and Kyle McKinley (University of Oklahoma track and field) represent more than 1,000 individuals who held volunteer coaching positions in sports other than baseball between March 17, 2019, to June 30, 2023.

Plaintiff’s Theory of Harm

The basis for Smart’s and Colon’s allegations is similar to the argument that the plaintiffs prevailed on in Law.

Both Smart and Colon sued the NCAA under § 1 of the Sherman Antitrust Act, which makes “every contract, combination, . . . or conspiracy in restraint of trade . . . illegal”. Colon and Smart allege that the NCAA and its member institutions created a price-fixing scheme that set the price for volunteer coaches at $0. Price-fixing is one of the most common violations of the Sherman Act and occurs when competitors in a market agree to set or tamper with their prices.

In Law, for example, the capped salary figure was price fixing because universities competing in the same labor market agreed not to pay more than $16,000 for restrictive earning coaches. Similarly, Smart and Colon allege that the NCAA and its Division I member institutions created a “buyer side cartel” agreeing to fix the price of labor for an assistant coach position at $0.

The former volunteer coaches also allege that they suffered multiple types of economic damage as a result of the NCAA’s price fix. The damages included lost salary, health insurance, housing, and other benefits that paid assistant coaches received.

NCAA’s Response and Failed Motion to Dismiss

The NCAA raised three main defenses against Smart and Colon’s theories. First, the NCAA claimed that the volunteer coaches’ allegation that they would have been hired as paid assistants but for the volunteer coach bylaw was conclusory and lacked factual backing. Second, the NCAA claimed it does not hold market power in the assistant coach labor market. Lastly, the NCAA claimed that there were other competitive coaching positions available in high school and professional sports.

These defenses, however, were not sufficient. In July 2023, both Smart and Colon survived the NCAA’s motion to dismiss. United States District Judge William Shubb rejected the NCAA’s motion and held that the allegation of horizontal price-fixing based on the creation of the volunteer coach position was sufficient to show possible antitrust injury. Specifically, Judge Shubb wrote that “it was not implausible that plaintiffs would have been paid a salary above $0 but for the NCAA’s adoption of [bylaw 11.01.6].”

This assumption that colleges would have paid for these assistant coaches has been supported by the fact that more than half of Division I schools began paying their former volunteer coaches within a year. This further disproves the NCAA’s claim that the plaintiff’s allegations that teams would not have hired volunteer coaches as paid assistants were conclusory.

Current Status of Litigation and Next Steps

Both Smart and Colon are seeking more than $5 million in damages from the NCAA. Originally, the jury trial for Smart was scheduled to begin in September 2025. However, on January 31, 2025, Smart reached a settlement in principle with the NCAA. While the terms of the settlement have not been finalized or released, this could still be an encouraging sign for the Colon. Because Colon raises many of the same arguments and theories of harm that Smart does, the NCAA may also look to settle with the Colon class as well, especially if the class is certified following the March 3, 2025 certification hearing.

Navigating the Intersection of Title IX and NIL: A New Era of Revenue Sharing in College Sports

By: Dustin Lennon-Jones

The introduction of name, image, and likeness deals has resulted in massive amounts of money being paid to college athletes. In its first year, Opendorse, the leading NIL marketplace, valued the total market for deals at around $917 million. This number could reach a staggering $2.5 billion with the introduction of revenue sharing next year. As schools prepare for a new revenue sharing model, the applicability of Title IX raises important questions on how this money will be distributed.

Title IX and College Athletics

Under Title IX, codified as 20 U.S.C. §§ 1681-88, educational programs that receive federal funding are prohibited from discriminating on the basis of sex. In higher education, Title IX applies broadly across numerous areas, including intercollegiate athletics. Department of Education regulations, enforced by the Office of Civil Rights (OCR), require that schools offer equal benefits, opportunities, and treatment to its men’s and women’s sports programs. Equal opportunity does not require a school to offer the same sports to both men and women, or even the same number of sports. Rather, opportunities should be proportional to the school’s enrollment. This means that if a school’s undergraduate enrollment is 55% women, then approximately 55% of its athletic opportunities should go to women. This is also true for financial assistance, so scholarships must be available on a proportional basis to the number of participants in men’s and women’s athletics. Equal benefits and treatment means that men’s and women’s sports teams are treated equally in terms of equipment and supplies, scheduling, facilities, recruitment, and much more

The Current NIL Landscape

Though the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) began allowing student-athletes to profit off of their own name, image, and likeness (NIL) in 2021, schools were forbidden from paying their athletes themselves. Instead, student-athletes signed deals with third parties, often facilitated or funded by NIL “collectives.” These are independent organizations not officially affiliated with a given university and are typically funded through donations. However, this characterization is largely in name only. Collectives are often founded by wealthy fans and alumni of a school, utilized explicitly to recruit athletes to their school. For example, the top ranked high school football prospect in the country, Bryce Underwood, flipped his commitment from Louisiana State University to the University of Michigan after he was reportedly offered an NIL deal of $12 million. The NIL collective “Champions Circle” issued a statement following this, welcoming Underwood and thanking “our Founding Members and others associated with Champions Circle who have worked tirelessly behind the scenes to make it possible to continue our work building championship teams at Michigan.” Nonetheless, NIL collectives are officially independent from schools and do not receive federal funding, making them currently beyond the reach of the requirements of Title IX.

Proposed Settlement in House v. NCAA

On October 7, 2024, a federal judge in California granted preliminary approval to a settlement agreement in House v. NCAA, which would allow schools to share 22% of their annual revenue with student-athletes, capped at $22 million. While this doesn’t seem to fit into the traditional idea of “financial assistance” discussed in Title IX, it is not entirely distinct either. The settlement would also remove scholarship caps, and any money spent on scholarships would count toward the $22 million revenue sharing limit. Which begs the question; since schools will be paying student-athletes directly through revenue sharing, and this money is, whether directly or indirectly, funding scholarships, should it be subject to the requirements of Title IX? Or, since athletic revenue is not brought in equally across the various teams, should it be distributed proportionally to the individual teams?

The Biden Administration OCR Fact Sheet

On January 16, the Biden Administration provided some guidance on this financial assistance question. The OCR issued a fact sheet announcing that NIL payments are “financial assistance” within the meaning of Title IX and must therefore be made proportionately to male and female athletes. It is worth noting that a fact sheet is not legally binding, but instead are signals to members of an industry on how a department intends to interpret the law in the future. When leadership changes, these interpretations are easily changed as well. And, sure enough, the Trump Administration reversed course on February 11 and rescinded the fact sheet. In a statement, acting assistant secretary for civil rights Chris Trainor said that Title IX “says nothing about how revenue-generating athletics programs should allocate compensation among student athletes” and would require clear legal authority to support it, which “does not exist.” 

What Happens Next?

Regardless of who you agree with, Trainor is right about one thing: there is no clear legal authority. Title IX and the resulting regulations were written when the debate was whether or not providing cream cheese with bagels was an improper benefit. Now, we are asking questions with million-dollar answers. How it shakes out will have immense consequences for schools and their student-athletes. For example, Texas Tech University announced their plans to share 74% of the revenue with the football team, with men’s basketball receiving around 18%. Women’s basketball, baseball, and women’s volleyball would combine to share the remaining 8%. While not exact, this is approximately tracking the revenue attributable to each of those teams. If revenue sharing payments were subject to Title IX, such a distribution would be unlawful, as Texas Tech’s undergraduate enrollment is approximately 50% women. Regardless of how schools choose to make these payments, distributions like Texas Tech’s seem primed for a Title IX lawsuit, especially while Congress remains on the sidelines.

#NIL #TitleIX