Balancing Labor Law and Client Confidentiality in the Social Media Age

By: Kimberly Shely

It is common knowledge that lawyers have a professional duty to reasonably ensure their employees abide by the Rules of Professional Conduct (RPCs). This ethical duty includes training their employees on how to maintain client confidences. Lawyers need to address proper social media etiquette with their nonlawyer employees to ensure that they understand that “confidential client information” cannot be discussed or shared on their personal social media platforms. However, lawyers must balance these ethical obligations with employees’ legal rights under labor laws. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) provides employees protection in engaging in concerted activity to better their working environment, and the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) has extended this to include social media posts. Lawyers can balance protecting client confidences with their employees’ rights under the NLRA.

Lawyer’s Duties Under the ABA Model Rules of Professional Conduct

The applicable RPCs are Rule 5.3 Responsibilities Regarding Nonlawyer Assistance and Rule 1.6 Confidentiality of Information. Rule 5.3(b) explains that “a lawyer having direct supervisory authority over the nonlawyer shall make reasonable efforts to ensure that the person’s conduct is compatible with the professional obligations of the lawyer.” In particular, Comment 2 clarifies that it is the lawyer’s responsibility to instruct and supervise the nonlawyer employees, “particularly regarding the obligation not to disclose the information relating to representation of the client . . . .” This is consistent with a lawyer’s duties under Rule 1.6(c) to make reasonable efforts to prevent the “unauthorized disclosure of . . . information relating to the representation of a client.” Comment 18 in Rule 1.6 again emphasizes it is the lawyer’s duty to competently safeguard client information, including by those the lawyer has direct supervisory authority over. The NLRA is not an exception to this Rule.

The NLRA Applies to Your Employees, Even Without a Union

The NLRA was created to protect employees in private-sector workplaces and allow them to seek better working conditions without risking retaliation. A key feature of the NLRA is Section 7 in that “[e]mployees shall have the right . . . to engage in other concerted activities for the purpose of collective bargaining or other mutual aid or protection . . . .” A common misunderstanding of the NLRA is the assumption that it only applies to employees that are already in a union or attempting to join a union. However, “concerted activity” protections in Section 7 of the NLRA extend to any employee that meets the statutory definition, regardless of their union status. 

The statutory definitions of “employee” and “employer” make it clear that the NLRA extends to nonlawyer employees in a private law firm. NLRA Section 2(3) defines “employee” to include essentially any employee of a particular employer, except for agricultural workers, those working for a family member in domestic services, independent contractors, or a NLRA defined “supervisor.” This broad definition of “employee” would encompass nonlawyer employees described in Comment 2 of Rule 5.3 of the RPCs.

Private law firms, and by extension the lawyers within, would be considered “employers” under the NLRA. The NLRA Section 2(2) definition of “employer” is similarly broad and “includes any person acting as an agent of an employer, directly or indirectly, but shall not include the United States or any wholly owned Government corporation . . . or any labor organization . . . .” Nonlawyer employees and lawyers in private law firms meet the NLRA definitions, and therefore Section 7 of the NLRA applies to private law firms. 

Your Employees’ Social Media Rights Under the NLRA

Lawyers must be aware that Section 8(a)(1) of the NLRA makes it “an unfair labor practice for an employer to interfere with, restrain, or coerce employees in the exercise of rights guaranteed in section 7.” Again, these Section 7 rights extend to employees who are not represented by a union. An employer can potentially commit an Unfair Labor Practice even without a unionized workplace. The “concerted activity” protections in Section 7 give employees “the right to act with coworkers to address work-related issues in many ways.” Some of the most common examples of “concerted activity” are talking with coworkers about wages, hours, and working conditions in an effort to improve them. 

The NLRB established in Hispanics United of Buffalo that Facebook and other forms of social media are a valid platform for Section 7 concerted activity discussions. In this matter, an employee posted on Facebook about her frustrations with a fellow coworker and in that post, the employee asked her other coworkers how they felt about the situation. The employees involved in the Facebook discussion were discharged because of the posts. The Board found that firing these employees violated Section 8(a)(1). It was a violation because the NLRB viewed the Facebook posts as “concerted activity,” which therefore meant it was protected under Section 7

How to Balance Nonlawyer Employee’s NLRA Social Media Rights with the RPCs

While safeguarding client confidentiality is a core and essential component of lawyers’ duties to their clients, an outright social media ban on any discussion of the workplace will run afoul of the NLRA. In its Boeing Company decision, the NLRB established a two-pronged test to determine whether a facially neutral workplace rule would violate Section 7, and lead to a Section 8(a)(1) violation. The Board reviews two aspects: “(i) the nature and extent of the potential impact on NLRA rights, and (ii) legitimate justifications associated with the rule.”  

The NLRB issued an Advice Memorandum regarding an issue with an online disparagement rule from Stange Law Firm. Although the disparagement rule was a violation of Section 8(a)(1), the memo provides guidance on an employer’s use of a “savings clause.” 

“For a clause to cure a workplace rule that otherwise has an unlawful impact on Section 7 rights, the Board has said that the clause must do more than generally refer to the Act or Section 7 rights. An effective savings clause should address ‘the broad panoply of rights protected by Section 7‘ as well as be prominent and proximate to the rule that it purports to inform.”

A properly executed “savings clause” should effectively inform nonlawyer employees of their rights under Section 7. This clause should clearly differentiate their Section 7 rights from the rule prohibiting discussions of confidential client information on social media. Lawyers have legitimate justifications in protecting client confidences. 

Lawyers should already be providing robust confidentiality training to their nonlawyer employees. Nonlawyer employees should understand that confidential client information under RPC Rule 1.6(a) includes information relating to the representation of a client. This confidentiality training should provide guidance on appropriate social media use. While employees may have a right under the NLRA to discuss wages, hours and working conditions, that right does not give them permission to disclose any information that would identify a specific client or client matter. 

By properly training nonlawyer employees on maintaining client confidences, including on their personal social media accounts, lawyers can fulfill their professional obligations under the Rules of Professional Conduct. Lawyers should provide employees with specific examples of what they can and cannot post, and clearly explain what employee’s rights are under Section 7 of the NLRA. Such training will then – hopefully – put lawyers in compliance with both the Rules of Professional Conduct and the National Labor Relations Act. 

Applying Learnings From COVID-19 to Disseminating Climate Change Technology Solutions

By: Jason Anterasian

COVID-19 vaccines and new technologies fighting climate change face the same perils.

COVID-19 has upended the world and we are entering our third year of the pandemic.  When the pandemic first emerged, private biopharmaceutical companies such as Pfizer, Moderna, and Johnson & Johnson quickly developed COVID-19 vaccines.  Such rapid vaccine development was possible in part because these companies benefited from receiving government funding for COVID-19 vaccine research and development, advanced purchase orders from the government for the vaccines, or both.  COVID-19 vaccines also built on prior decades of mRNA vaccine research that had been largely funded by the government.  The biopharmaceutical companies now have patents on the vaccines and trade secrets on the manufacturing and commercializing of the vaccines, which have been cited as causes of the inequitable vaccine rollout throughout the world.  According to the Global Dashboard for Vaccine Equity, 67% of individuals in high-income countries have been vaccinated with at least one dose of the vaccine as of January 5, 2022, compared to 11% in low-income countries.  The divide between the developed and developing worlds has created problems globally, as it has produced breeding grounds for the virus, resulting in new variants such as Omicron that prolong the pandemic.  

While COVID-19 may seem like a unique crisis, another global crisis is emerging: climate change.  Like COVID-19, climate change has severe ramifications on global health, as extreme weather and natural disasters, extreme heat, environmental degradation and loss of biodiversity, water and food supply impacts, water quality impacts, and increased allergens and air pollutants all threaten public health.  Rich, developed countries emit the most greenhouse gases today; in developing countries, quality of life is increasing and will continue to increase – which is fantastic – but this will come with increased greenhouse gas emissions, as there is limited ability for these countries to pay the higher costs that exist today for green technology.  Similar to COVID-19 vaccines, new technologies must be invented and widely distributed throughout the developed and developing worlds to prevent (or slow down) a climate crisis.  Governments are the largest funders of efforts to develop new green technologies. As these technologies are created, patents and trade secrets in the new technologies will inevitably exist. As a result, we must learn from the COVID-19 vaccine rollout and avoid intellectual property becoming a barrier to global access and adoption of new green technologies.  A world in which only developed countries are using green technologies will not stop a climate crisis, as increased emissions in the developing world contribute to climate change, producing global effects.

Current laws and international agreements are insufficient solutions to disseminate green technologies.

Neither international agreements nor freedom of information laws provides a sufficient solution to ensure global access to new green technologies.  The 1994 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) established minimum intellectual property standards for countries in the World Trade Organization (WTO), and its Article 7 encourages “dissemination of technology . . . . in a manner conducive to social and economic welfare.”  TRIPS Article 31 also allows for compulsory licensing of patented technologies without authorization of rights holders in times of “national emergency or other circumstances of extreme urgency.”  Given TRIPS’ support of technology dissemination, green technology’s contribution to public welfare, and a climate crisis likely constituting an “emergency,” compulsory licensing under TRIPS is an avenue countries could take to circumvent patents in green technology.  However, compulsory licensing is an imperfect solution because it threatens to destroy incentives to innovate and can lead to backlash from patent owners and their home countries.  Also, there are many new large and small green technologies that must be developed across all sectors of our lives, such as manufacturing, energy, agriculture, and travel, to avoid a climate crisis.  This expansiveness makes it difficult to define the scope of which inventions would qualify for compulsory licensing. 

Similarly, while over one hundred countries have freedom of information laws, these laws are likely insufficient to circumvent intellectual property barriers and produce global use of new green technologies.  For example, the US Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requires disclosure of recorded information held by public authorities, subject to listed exemptions.  “Any person,” including foreign nationals, can file a FOIA request.  A private company who partners with the government to build and test a green technology could have its information disclosed under FOIA, if the information is on the government’s records.  However, trade secrets are explicitly exempted from FOIA (Exemption 4).  Additionally, in 2019 the Supreme Court ruled in Food Marketing Institute v. Argus Leader Media that a private company’s information will remain confidential under this exemption as long as the company customarily and actually treats the information as private and provides it to the government under an assurance of privacy.  As a result, Exemption 4 makes it difficult for the trade secrets of a private company’s new green technology to be disclosed under FOIA, preventing dissemination.  

With proactiveness, patents, trade secrets, and tacit knowledge of green technology can be disseminated to the developing world.

Ultimately, advancements in green technology will come largely from funding by governments and innovation by companies in the developed world, and these technologies will come with patents, trade secrets, and tacit knowledge.  However, applying the lessons from COVID-19 to climate change, we cannot let intellectual property become a barrier to the implementation of new green technologies in the developing world.

Governments must aid private companies in both the supply of green technologies by funding innovation and the demand for it by growing the market via policy changes, given how inexpensive current practices like fossil fuels are compared to green technologies.  In exchange, governments must proactively look for ways to ensure these technologies can be disseminated throughout the world.  First, with respect to patents, the government should be enough of a co-inventor/patent owner such that it can license the new technology to the developing world at no additional cost compared to current alternatives.  Second, with respect to trade secrets, the government should require private companies to disclose helpful information related to green technology, to enable the developing world to manufacture and commercialize the technology.  This can be done by requiring private companies to spend certain amounts of time counseling and partnering with their peers in the developing world, and also by requiring private companies to contribute knowledge to global organizations such as the Green Climate Fund that work to aid developing countries in combating climate change.  Third, with respect to tacit knowledge, to the extent it is not a trade secret but is documented, tacit knowledge can be disclosed under freedom of information laws such as FOIA.

Ultimately, the COVID-19 pandemic has shown the increasing connectedness of our world and the importance of global adoption of new technologies to solve global challenges.  The US government and governments of the developed world should learn from COVID-19, and beyond funding supply for new green technologies to fight climate change, they should leverage their influence to ensure broad global access to these new technologies.  If this is done, some of the IP pitfalls that have prolonged the COVID-19 pandemic can be avoided in the fight against climate change. 

So You Want to Invalidate a Patent? The PTAB May Be Your Friend!

By: Mark Stepanyuk

Challenging the validity of a patent versus patent infringement

If you have a patent and you think somebody is infringing on that patent, you may be able to sue them for patent infringement. Alternatively, if you think somebody has an inadequate patent, you can prospectively challenge its validity. Although historically these two causes of action have largely overlapped, they are very much distinct. This blog post is about the rise of a relatively new mechanism for challenging patent validity in the United States.

What is the PTAB?

The Patent Trial and Appeal Board (PTAB) was formed in 2012 as part of the Leahy-Smith America Invents Act (probably most known for changing the U.S. Patent system from “first-to-invent” to “first-to-file.”) The PTAB replaced the Board of Patent Appeals and Interferences at the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO). In general, PTAB handles appeals and conducts trials. Appeals proceedings mostly involve cases where applicants wish to review the examiner’s decisions regarding their patents or claims (such as rejections). 

PTAB trials, on the other hand, are where the magic happens in challenging patent validity. The PTAB’s trial division handles proceedings such as Inter-Partes Reviews (IPR) and Post Grant Reviews. They also used to handle Covered Business Method reviews, which was historically the second most popular proceeding, but that program sunsetted and ended in September 2020. The vast majority of trial petitions filed at the PTAB are IPR’s (which accounted for about 93% of PTAB trial proceedings in 2021.) 

How do you actually challenge patent validity?

If you’re a business competing with someone who holds a patent that you think is inadequate or you are worried that what you are doing may infringe on their patent, you can attempt to invalidate their patent(s) or claim(s). Generally speaking, this can be done by bringing a case either to Federal District Court or to the PTAB (also in some circumstances, you can go to the Court of Federal Claims or the International Trade Commission.) Sometimes parties also choose to bring their case to multiple courts, although there are notable limits. Each choice has its own set of requirements, costs, and benefits. For instance, filing in Federal District Court requires a “case or controversy.” At the PTAB, there is no such requirement. However, there is a petition phase and a trial phase. Not all petitions become instituted and make it to the trial phase, though parties may file multiple petitions (there are differences between institution rates by “petition” and “patent.”) Also notably, the USPTO has been cracking down on “serial petitioners” (i.e., parties filing multiple petitions targeting the same patent.) 

Why have PTAB trials gained traction as a tool to challenge patent validity?

In the last decade, initiating PTAB trials has become a viable strategy for some businesses seeking to invalidate or weaken the patent portfolios of their competitors. There are many reasons for this. First, the average cost of filing and prosecuting a PTAB trial proceeding (IPR) is averaging far less than doing so in Federal District Court. If the expected value of initiating an IPR proceeding exceeds its cost, the firm is more likely to undertake the proceeding. Second, it’s easier to invalidate a patent at the PTAB than in Federal District Court. The presumption that a patent is valid does not exist in the PTAB and challengers only need to show by a “preponderance of the evidence” that claims are unpatentable to invalidate. Whereas in Federal District Court, challengers need to overcome the much higher standard of “clear and convincing evidence” to invalidate the patent, due to the jurisdictional presumption that the patent is valid. Third, there has been broader claim construction at the PTAB which has led to increased invalidation under Section 103 (non-obviousness) because it allowed for more prior art to be considered – although now the PTAB uses the Phillips standard for claim construction (the same as in Federal District Courts.) Fourth, standing is not required to initiate a PTAB trial proceeding. In the case of IPRs, any third party that has not already filed and has not been served with a complaint alleging patent infringement more than one year prior may initiate the proceeding. Most other PTAB trial rules and standards can be found here. For these reasons and likely others, it’s become a relatively more popular tool in handling patent disputes for patentees and non-patent holders alike. 

The PTAB has been controversial since its inception as part of the AIA in 2012

The constitutionality of the PTAB has been challenged on multiple occasions and in each case it has been upheld. In Oil States Energy Services, the Supreme Court held that Congress has significant latitude to assign adjudication of public rights to entities other than Article III Courts (i.e., the PTAB). The closest constitutional challenge to the PTAB was probably in United States v. Arthrex. In that case, the Supreme Court held that the PTAB’s structure was unconstitutional (by violating the Appointments Clause in which Administrative Patent Judges were not appointed “principal officers”), but this was easily remedied by having the Director review final decisions at the PTAB. Other controversy stems from disparate economic consequences of PTAB trials. Many inventors that are patent-holders are not fans of this emergent mechanism to challenge patent invalidity. These inventors complain that the PTAB has turned into a predatory regime with a bias against unsophisticated patentees. Ultimately, they argue that PTAB trials have become an anti-competitive tool for large companies to bully or threaten start-ups. One inventor argues that in part due to repeatedly filed petitions, patents that have been subject to a PTAB final written decision have an 84% invalidation rate.

The goal of patent law and the way forward

The administrative tradeoff between expeditiousness and thoroughness in the U.S. patent law system has been evident from the time of the “Commissioners for the Promotion of Useful Arts.” In an early letter, Thomas Jefferson wrote, “[of the law of granting and refusing patents] I saw with what slow progress a system of general rules could be matured.” Indeed, the America Invents Act was yet another iteration aiming at maturity. Congress’s goals for the PTAB part of the America Invents Act was: to create a faster and less costly alternative to Article III court-based patent litigation; to sweep away low hanging fruit (weed out patents that probably should not have been issued in the first place); and to lighten the dockets of federal district courts, which have been overwhelmed with Non-Practicing Entity (i.e., “patent troll”) suits. To a significant extent, many of these goals were achieved, and pretty much any bright-line rule is bound to discriminate against edge cases. This is why we have general rules and specific rules, and specific rules are more easily changeable. 

As the specific rules within the PTAB will continue to evolve, many disagree about the direction and pace of change. Here’s a paper that argues for more specific reforms likely to be addressed within the USPTO. The authors argue that the current benefits of PTAB proceedings do not necessarily outweigh its costs and point out inefficiencies. They call for more changes to deal with “uncertain estoppel litigation rules” (i.e., serial IPR petitioners, and other costs associated with doubling-up.) Other arguments call for more drastic reform such as repealing the PTAB

Since its inception in the United States in 2012, the PTAB has risen in popularity as a tool to challenge the validity of patents. Despite parties being able to challenge patent validity in other forums, the PTAB’s advantages have made it an economically viable candidate for many patentees and non-patent holders alike. Although it has been the subject of controversy, the PTAB and the U.S. patent law system more generally will continue to mature and be shaped by American jurisprudence. As for now, exposure to the filter of the PTAB will continue to be part of the patent bargain between an inventor and society.

Between the Supreme Court, Congress, and the Embedded Post: A Need for Copyright Clarification

By: Gracie Loesser

You may know already that copying an image from the internet and pasting it onto your website or blog can get you into trouble. But you might be surprised to learn that embedding images can get you in just as much trouble.

Both methods of sharing media implicate Section 106 of the U.S. Copyright Act, which gives copyright holders the exclusive right to “display the…work publicly,” meaning all other individuals are not allowed to “show a copy of it, either directly or by means of a film, slide, television image, or any other device or process…” or they may be brought to court for copyright infringement. Although copying and pasting another person’s copyrighted content on to your webpage is widely accepted as an act of infringement by U.S. courts, the use of embedding technology to accomplish the same task is still an unsettled question.    

What is embedding, anyway?

Embedding technology allows anyone to render a visual image of remote content directly onto their own webpage, functioning as a kind of window into the external page. Embedding provides a much more polished and digestible presentation than a simple URL link and eliminates the need for viewers to leave the page at all. Embedding content is easier now than ever before, as social media applications, web hosting services, and other platforms offer user-friendly tools that facilitate embedding nearly every kind of content imaginable.

The problem is that U.S. courts are torn on whether this now-ubiquitous form of content sharing constitutes infringement.

Is unlicensed embedding a violation of the Copyright Act?

The Ninth Circuit and the Southern District of New York are staunchly divided on the legality of unauthorized embedding, and the Southern District’s recent rulings have only sharpened that divide.

The Ninth Circuit first addressed the issue in 2007. In Perfect 10 v. Google, the court articulated a standard which it called the “server rule,” holding that website publishers who embed copyrighted material into their pages are not guilty of infringement. The court reasoned that embedding content did not constitute a “display” of the material under Section 101 of the Copyright Act, since the website publisher was merely creating a frame to view the material on the original host server. Several courts have since adopted and applied the “server rule” in infringement cases.

Over the last fourteen years, the Ninth Circuit’s “server rule” has faced scrutiny from courts and legal experts. One of the most vocal opponents to the rule has been the Southern District of New York. The Southern District first explicitly rejected the “server rule” in 2018, finding “no basis for a rule that allows the physical location or possession of an image to determine who may or may not have ‘displayed’ a work within the meaning of the Copyright Act.” The District Court has maintained its position over the years, most recently this past July 2021 in Nicklen v. Sinclair Broadcast Group.

How can we reach a consensus?

Given the near-ubiquitous use of embedding tools on the internet, U.S. copyright holders and internet users deserve a clear answer. That answer could come from either the Supreme Court or Congress.

The Supreme Court has not indicated an interest in weighing in, but this issue does seem prime for the Court’s review. Mindful of the public’s interest in judicial predictability, the Supreme Court will often grant certiorari for cases involving legal questions that lower courts can’t agree on. In the present issue, there is obvious disagreement among courts on how to resolve embedding copyright infringement claims, and the resolution of this split will have major implications for social media providers, news organizations, and other internet users. More broadly, the questions implicated are not limited to embedding, but are indicative of a larger concern: adapting the Copyright Act to address developing technologies. The Supreme Court will likely continue to face questions regarding the role of copyright protection in the ever-evolving digital world over the next five to ten years.

Congress could also take action. Indeed, Congress may be a better vehicle for modernizing existing copyright law since the current difficulty arises mainly from the fact that the Copyright Act does not sufficiently address the reality of our current media landscape. Legal scholars are actively encouraging Congress to take action by amending the Copyright Act, but it is unclear whether Congress has the political motivation to pursue such legislation. Congress seems more polarized than ever, and its inability or unwillingness to pass substantial bipartisan legislation suggests a prompt legislative remedy is unlikely.

Meanwhile, the demand for user-friendly content sharing options shows no signs of slowing. As developers unveil new technologies to meet this demand, the U.S. legal profession will need to keep pace to make sure that U.S. copyright law is reflective of our increasingly digital world.

Epic Games v. Apple on App Store Payment Systems in South Korea

By: Inyoung Cheong

Why Did Epic Games’ CEO Claim to be South Korean?

As a South Korean, it felt surreal to see Oli London, a British YouTube influencer, claiming to be Korean following multiple plastic surgeries. Although Korean culture has been well-promoted by the band BTS (and more recently by the Netflix show, Squid Game), I never imagined that a non-Korean would ever want to be Korean. Soon after, more astonishing news came out. Tim Sweeney, the CEO of Epic Games, one of the most influential video game companies in the world, tweeted “I am a Korean!” Why is this high-profile figure so thrilled about my home country? 

How Epic Games Was Treated in the U.S.

Epic has been involved in a serious dispute with Apple since 2015 when Tim Sweeny questioned the necessity of digital marketplaces, like Apple’s App Store for iOS devices and Google Play, taking 30% of app-generated revenue. To avoid the 30% charge, Epic released an installer in mid-2020 for its massively popular video game, Fortnite “Season 4,” with a feature, codenamed “Project Liberty,” that offered a 20% discount for in-game money when users chose to directly purchase the game from Epic. Apple took down the app Fortnite for violating its App Store’s terms of service within hours, leaving iOS and macOS users unable to update their video game. Apple has claimed that in-app purchase policies “ensure that iOS apps meet Apple’s high standards for privacy, security, content, and quality.” However, app developers view this system as monopolistic and exploitative, one that allows companies like Google and Apple to make a quick profit without providing value to developers or consumers. 

Interview with Tim Cook on Sway, April 5 2021

In the United States, the U.S. District Court for Northern California did not fully agree with antitrust claims brought by Epic Games against Apple regarding this issue. While Judge Yvonne Gonzalez Rogers issued a permanent injunction in this case in September 2021 that requires Apple to allow app developers to communicate with users about alternative payment systems, Epic Games suffered a pyrrhic victory. Judge Rogers rejected the allegation that Apple’s App Store is a monopoly and ordered Epic Games to pay Apple 30% of all revenue collected through the system since it was implemented for breach of contract. This award amounts to a sum of more than $3.5 million. On Twitter, Tim Sweeney expressed his disappointment, saying “[t]oday’s ruling isn’t a win for developers or for consumers.” 

It’s important to also note that while the lawsuit was still ongoing, Apple lowered its commission from 30% to 15% for developers that make under one million U.S. dollars per year. 

The World’s First Law Directly Regulating In-App Purchase Systems 

In contrast to the United States District Court for the Northern District of California, South Korean lawmakers turned out to be more empathetic to app developers. In an exceptional move, South Korean lawmakers made the practice of forcing app purchases through particular virtual storefronts illegal. In August 2021, South Korea’s National Assembly enacted amendments to the country’s Telecommunications Business Act that commits the Korea Communications Commission (KCC) to preventing online platforms from requiring certain payment methods, unfairly delaying the review of mobile content, and unfairly deleting mobile content from the app market. In Apple’s case, an app-developer whose app was removed from Apple’s App Store can simply file a complaint with the KCC and seek an administrative penalty against the App Store instead of bringing a time-consuming lawsuit. Currently, it appears that South Korea is the only country on the planet to enforce this type of legislation, hence Time Sweeney’s jubilant cry, “I am a Korean!”

Debates Over the New Law in the South Korea’s National Assembly 

Predictably, both Google and Apple recently worked with local major law firms in appealing to the legislature to block passage of the bill. Global business organizations including the American Chamber of Commerce in Korea, NetChoice, Asian Trade Center, and Asia Internet Coalition also filed objections to the bill. All of these groups argued that compliance with in-app purchase policies contributes to creating safe, secure, and credible digital platforms that have enabled developers to sell their products abroad. 

Affected tech companies even turned to the U.S. government and accused the bill of being a non-tariff trade barrier in violation of a joint trade agreement, but the Biden administration did not take official action other than briefly mentioning the issue in the U.S. Trade Representative National Trade Estimate Report in March 2021. According to the New York Times, this inaction reflects the Biden administration’s critical attitude towards these tech giants’ incredible power over commerce.

In addition, legislative documents demonstrate disagreement between various Korean government agencies. The Korea Fair Trade Commission (Korea FTC) initially opposed this bill because “forcing payment systems” could be regulated by antitrust authorities as predatory conduct without introducing new telecommunication regulations. In the end however, Korea FTC reluctantly agreed to the KCC’s jurisdiction into this area after weathering President Moon and lawmakers’ relentless concerns and rebuke concerning the current disparity in app markets. 

Google and Apple Took Different Approaches 

Just after the enactment of the new law, Epic Games requested that Apple restore Fortnite to operational condition in South Korea, but Apple declined. Apple said, “we would welcome Epic’s return to the App Store if they agree to play by the same rules as everyone else.” The KCC then requested that Apple and Google submit compliance plans by October 2021. Both companies’ initial plans were, however, turned down by the KCC. 

Before submitting a new plan, Wilson L. White, Google’s public policy and government relations senior counsel, had a conference with a KCC chairman on November 4th. White committed to giving developers “the option to add an alternative in-app billing system alongside Google Play’s billing system for their users in Korea.” 

In contrast to Google’s move, Apple remains resistant. Apple is holding its ground, stating that its current policy is already compliant with the law, even though a KCC official made it clear that Apple’s position “goes against the law.” The South Korean local newspaper ETNEWS reported that Apple CEO Tim Cook ordered “we should not step back in South Korea.” It was also announced that Apple’s Korea unit chief Brandon Yoon resigned from his position. A South Korean lawmaker, Jo Seung-rae, opined that neither Apple nor Google are doing enough to comply with South Korea’s new law and called Apple’s claim that it complied with the law “nonsensical.”

Tim Sweeney’s Push and KCC’s Remaining Tasks 

Tim Sweeny gave a speech in South Korea on November, 15, 2021, saying “Apple is ignoring laws passed by Korea’s democracy. Apple must be stopped.” He also expressed his strong support for South Korea’s anti-monopoly push during a video conference with the Korea Communications Commission’s Chair, Han Sang-hyuk, on November 17. Chair Han said, “[f]or a platform ecosystem where everyone coexists, not only the government, but also platform companies, content producers, creators, and users need to participate in making changes.”

Last month, the KCC initiated notice-and-comment rulemaking procedures. The KCC notified the public about the implementation of an ordinance that allows the KCC to impose monetary penalties of up to two percent of a company’s revenues on companies that do not comply, although the precise definition of “revenues” has not been settled and it remains to be seen whether “revenues” applies to South Korea alone or the global market. While there are still shortcomings in the law and complexities to iron out, it is undeniable that this new Korean law has ignited meaningful policy discussions over mobile app market practices around the world.

Inyoung Cheong is a Ph.D. Candidate at the University of Washington School of Law and former Deputy Director of the Korea Communications Commission.