Across Nations, Across Identities: Why Deepfake Victims are Left Without Remedies

By: Hanan Fathima

When a deepfake video of former President Barack Obama appeared in 2018, the public was stunned—this was not just clever editing, but a wake-up call. AI-generated content became hyper-realistic and often indistinguishable as compared to non-AI-generated content. Deepfakes are highly realistic AI-generated content that can imitate a person’s appearance and voice through technologies like generative adversarial networks (GANs). We’ve entered a digital era where every piece of media demands scrupulous scrutiny, raising questions about regulation and justice in a digital age. Different jurisdictions have adopted varying approaches to deepfake regulation, with countries like the US, UK, and EU members emphasizing on international laws on deepfakes, while countries like China and Russia preferring digital sovereignty. A key challenge is navigating the jurisdictional gaps in deepfake laws and regulations.

The Global Surge in Deepfake-Driven Crimes

Deepfake phishing and fraud cases have escalated at an alarming rate, recording a 3000% surge since 2022. In 2024, attempts to create deepfake content occurred every five minutes. This sharp escalation in global deepfake activity is alarming, particularly due to the potential for deepfakes manipulate election outcomes, fabricate non-consensual pornographic content , and facilitate sextortion scams. Deepfake criminals exploit gaps in cross-border legal systems. These gaps allow criminals to evade liability and continue their schemes with reduced risk. Because national laws are misaligned and international frameworks remain limited, victims of deepfake crimes face an uphill battle for justice. Combined with limited judicial precedents, tracing and prosecuting offenders has proved to be a massive challenge for many countries.

When Crime Crosses Borders and Laws Don’t

One striking example is a Hong Kong deepfake fraud case in which scammers impersonated a company’s chief financial officer using an AI-generated video in a conference call, duping an employee into transferring HK$200 million (~US$25 million). Investigators uncovered a complex web of stolen identities and bank accounts spread across multiple countries, complicating the tracing and recovery of funds. This case underscores the need for international cooperation, standardized laws and regulations, and robust legal framework for AI-related deepfake crimes[MB6]  in order to effectively combat the growing threat of deepfake fraud.

At a national level, there have been efforts to address these challenges. An example is the U.S. federal TAKE IT DOWN Act 2025, which criminalizes the distribution of non-consensual private deepfake images and mandates prompt removal upon request. States like Tennessee have enacted the ELVIS Act 2024, which protects individuals against use of their voice and likeness in deepfake content, while Texas and Minnesota have introduced laws criminalizing election-related deepfakes to preserve democratic integrity.Similarly, Singapore passed the Elections (Integrity of Online Advertising) (Amendment) Bill to safeguard against misinformation during the election period. China’s Deep Synthesis Regulation 2025 regulates deepfake technology and services, placing responsibility on both platform providers and end-users.

On an international scale, the European Union’s AI Act serves as among the first comprehensive legal frameworks to tackle AI-generated content. It calls for transparency, accountability, and emphasizes labelling AI-manipulated media rather than outright bans.

However, these laws are region-specific and thus rely on international and regional cooperation frameworks like MLATs and multilateral partnerships for prosecuting foreign perpetrators. A robust framework must incorporate cross-border mechanisms such as provisions for extraterritorial jurisdiction and standardized enforcement protocols to address jurisdictional gaps in deepfake crimes. These mechanisms could take the form of explicit cooperation protocols under conventions like the UN Cybercrime Convention, with strict timelines for MLAT procedures, and regional agreements on joint investigations and evidence-sharing.

How Slow International Processes Enable Offender Impunity

The lack of concrete laws and thus concrete relief mechanisms means victims of deepfake crimes face multiple barriers in their ability to access justice. When cases involve multiple jurisdictions, investigations and prosecutions often rely on Mutual Legal Assistance Treat (MLAT) processes. Mutual Legal Assistance is “a process by which states seek and provide assistance in gathering evidence for use in criminal cases,” as defined by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (2018). MLAT is the primary mechanism used for cross-border cooperation in criminal proceedings. Unfortunately, victims may experience delays in international investigations and prosecutions due to slow and cumbersome processes associated with MLAT. Moreover, the process has its own set of limitations such as human rights concerns, conflicting national interests, and data privacy issues. According to the Interpol Africa Cyberthreat Assessment Report 2025, requests for Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA) can take months, severely delaying justice and often allowing offenders to escape international accountability.

Differing legal standards and enforcement mechanisms across countries make criminal proceedings related to deepfake crimes difficult. On a similar note, cloud platforms and social media companies hosting deepfake content may be registered in countries with weak regulations or limited international cooperation, making it harder for authorities to remove content or obtain evidence.

The Human Cost of Delayed Justice

The psychological and social impacts on victims are profound. The maxim justice delayed is justice denied” is particularly relevant—delays in legal recourse means the victim’s suffering is prolonged. This often presents as reputational harm, long-term mental health issues, and career-related issues. Thus, victims of cross-border deepfake crimes may hesitate to report or pursue legal action. They are further deterred due to language, cultural, or economic barriers. Poor transparency in enforcement creates mistrust in international legal systems and marginalizes victims, weakening deterrence.

Evolving International Law on Cross-Border Jurisdiction

There have been years of opinions and debates over the application of international law for cybercrimes and whether it conflicts with cyber sovereignty. The Council of Europe’s 2024 AI Policy Summit highlighted the need for global cooperation in investigation and prosecutorial activities of law enforcement and reaffirmed the role of cooperation channels like MLATs. Calls for a multilateral AI research institute were made in the 2024 UN Security Council debate on AI governance. Recently, in the 2025 AI Action Summit, discussions were focused on research and the transformative capability of AI, and the regulation of such technology. Discussion on cybercrimes and its jurisdiction was limited.

In 2024, the UN Convention Against Cybercrime addressed AI-based cybercrimes, including deepfakes, emphasizing on electronic evidence sharing between countries, cooperation between states for extradition requests and Mutual Legal Assistance. The convention also allows states to establish jurisdiction over offences committed against their nationals regardless of where the offense occurred. However, challenges in implementation persist as a number of nations are yet to ratify this convention, including the United States.

Towards a Coherent Cross-Border Response

Addressing the complex jurisdictional challenges posed by cross-border deepfake crimes requires a multi-faceted approach that combines legal reforms, international collaboration, technological innovations, and victim-centered mechanisms. Firstly, Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs) must be streamlined with standardized request formats, clearer evidentiary requirements, and dedicated cybercrime units to reduce delays. Secondly, national authorities need stronger digital forensic and AI-detection capabilities, including investing in deepfake-verification tools like blockchain-based tracing techniques. Thirdly, generative AI platforms must be held accountable, with mandates for detection systems and prompt takedown obligations. However, since these rules vary regionally, platforms do not face the same responsibilities everywhere, underscoring the need for all countries to adopt consistent standards for platforms. Fourth, nations must play an active role in multilateral initiatives and bilateral agreements targeting cross-border cybercrime, supporting the creation of global governance frameworks governing extraterritorial jurisdiction of cybercrimes like deepfakes. While countries like the United States, UK, EU members, and Japan are active participants in international AI governance initiatives, many developing countries are excluded from these discussions. Countries like Russia and China have also resisted UN cybercrime treaties, citing sovereignty values. Notably, despite being a global leader in AI innovation, the US has also not ratified the 2024 UN Convention against Cybercrime. Lastly, a victim-centered approach, through legal aid services and compensation mechanisms, is essential to ensure that victims are not left to navigate these complex jurisdictional challenges alone.

While deepfake technology has the potential to drive innovation and creativity, its rampant misuse has led to unprecedented avenues for crimes that transcend national borders and challenge existing legal systems. Bridging these jurisdictional and technological gaps is essential for building a resilient and robust international legal framework that is capable of combating deepfake-related crimes and offering proper recourse for victims.

E-Lending Challenges and Libraries’ Mission to Ensure Information Access for All

By: Anusha Seyed Nasrulai

Library services have transformed from being primarily administered in the physical library space to providing library card holders with access to a broad range of digital materials, including ebooks, audiobooks, research, music, film, and more. When digital materials first entered the market, they posed great opportunities to increase the availability and accessibility of library collections. Libraries have adjusted their acquisitions and curation efforts to accommodate an increased demand for digital materials. At the same time, publishers and vendors have repackaged their products to drive profits in response to the demand by raising ebook costs to exorbitant rates. Libraries are “typically required to pay 3–4 times the consumer price for an ebook or audiobook license of a popular title.” Also, many publishers have replaced perpetual licenses with time limited licenses. Publishers further control the market by restricting “how many copies libraries can have, who they can lend to, and how long they (and their patrons) can keep the books.” This has led to library budgets being consumed by licensing costs.

The e-lending marketplace presents multiple challenges to libraries’ longstanding commitment to ensure access to information for all. Digital materials are many patrons’ primary method of accessing information. For example, digital formats are essential resources to patrons with “vision impairment, dyslexia, and other physical or learning needs.”

Libraries are at the whim of the power wielded by vendors controlling access to vital digital materials. About five companies control publishing and dominate the industry for licensing digital materials to libraries. Some companies have business enterprises beyond academic information, including the use and sale of personal and financial information. Thomas Reuters and RELX Group (parent companies of Westlaw and LexisNexis) not only dominate the legal research market, but they also own some of the largest news and academic databases and are data brokers that sell to private entities and law enforcement agencies. Sarah Lamdan, former CUNY law librarian and professor, now ALA director, described the digital information market landscape as a monopoly of information markets, which raises significant ethical and privacy concerns.

Libraries’ Respond to Market Shifts 

The rest of this article examines the implications for the market shift to digital materials for libraries and their patrons, focusing on ownership rights, open source projects, and patron privacy. In response to vendors’ overwhelming control of the digital information marketplace, libraries and researchers are developing solutions to ensure information access for all.

Ownership Rights

Libraries hold ownership rights and control lending access over physical books by the right to first sale. The “first sale” doctrine (17 U.S.C. § 109(a)) “gives the owners of copyrighted works the rights to sell, lend, or share their copies without having to obtain permission or pay fees.” However, this ownership doctrine does not control digital transmissions— including ebook acquisitions. Publishers create license agreements in partnership with vendors, who then license them to libraries. Margaret Chon, Law Professor at Seattle University, argues that high prices and restrictive lending practices undermine the special position libraries have historically held in the copyright system as institutions protecting and facilitating public access to copyrighted works.

Without copyright reform, libraries are often at the behest of vendors’ licensing models. In response, libraries have developed comprehensive strategies to negotiate with vendor providers and select vendors that align with their mission. Still, “the contract-law focused world of copyright for digital content is much more heavily weighted to the benefit of publishers and to the greatest extent possible.” Therefore, libraries have sought legal reforms as one of the solutions to address the modern digital information marketplace. 

ReadersFirst is an organization of almost 300 libraries dedicated to libraries maintaining open and free access to ebooks as collections are increasingly digitized. ReadersFirst advocates for ebook legislation to prevent content restrictions, prohibitively high prices for licenses, and using licenses to excise important copyright law, such as Fair Use. This past summer, Connecticut passed an ebook bill and other states have introduced similar legislation. This bill will be carefully watched after similar legislation in Maryland and New York have been undone by copyright challenges. 

Open Source Projects

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Internet Archive launched the National Emergency Library (NEL). NEL was a continuation of a previous online project where scans of physical library books were “checked out” to people as though they were physical books. In Hachette v. Internet Archive, publishers successfully challenged NEL’s temporary lifting of the one-person-limit on lending. Though this case did not involve a traditional library, it does call into question whether controlled digital lending practices by libraries are vulnerable. 

To protect library projects that expand access to digital materials, new industry standards are being proposed. Controlled digital lending (CDL) protections allow libraries to lend, preserve, and archive digital materials. Currently, a new NISO consensus framework is being developed to support CDL in libraries, with the goal of expanding “understanding of CDL as a natural extension of existing rights held and practices undertaken by libraries for content they legally hold.”

The ability to curate and share open source resources further libraries’ goal to ensure information access for all. An important example of library open source projects are research guides. Research guides are collections of high quality and relevant resources on a given topic from books. Resources included articles, books, media, databases, special collections, exhibits, and programs. Kara Phillips, director of the Seattle University Law Library, stated that research guides “respond to important issues so that patrons can find reliable, authoritative information… [to] support democracy, rule of law, and the legal system.” 

Patron Privacy

As vendors adapt to the competitive digital information marketplace, the change in business models has increased their appetite for patron data. As Roxanne Shirazi, a research librarian at CUNY, puts it, “[a]s lenders, library vendors do not end their relationships with libraries when they complete a sale. Instead, as streaming content providers, vendors become embedded in libraries. They are able to follow library patrons’ research activities, storing data about how people are using their services.”

There are only a handful of states that protect readers’ data outside of libraries. For example, the California’s Reader Privacy Act safeguards readers’ data when accessing physical books or ebooks. Therefore, ensuring patron privacy and holding vendors accountable to ALA privacy standards are central to libraries’ mission.

The Path Forward for Libraries

Librarians and other stakeholders are organizing to address the profound problems that have arisen from changes in the e-lending market. In providing guidance regarding digital access, the American Library Association states, “[i]n order to have a functional democracy, we must have informed citizens. Libraries are an essential part of the national information infrastructure, providing people with access and opportunities for participation in the digital environment, especially those who might otherwise be excluded.”

The Freedom to Inquire: Data Privacy Lessons from Libraries

By: Anusha Seyed Nasrulai

“All people, regardless of origin, age, background, or views, possess a right to privacy and confidentiality in their library use. Libraries should advocate for, educate about, and protect people’s privacy, safeguarding all library use data, including personally identifiable information.”

These are the words enshrined in the last article of the American Library Association’s (ALA) Library Bill of Rights. The ALA first adopted principles protecting the freedom of inquiry in 1939 in response to concerns of government censorship and surveillance amid a moral panic against anarchists. In subsequent decades, the Library Bill of Rights was amended and interpreted to champion intellectual freedom during eras like McCarthyism, the Civil Rights Movement, and post-9/11. 

The Legal Right to Data Privacy 

Recognition of the freedom of inquiry in libraries also developed at the same time as a legal right to privacy was being conceptualized. In 1890, lawyers Samuel Warren and future Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis first defined a legal right to privacy in a famous law review article. Still, a legal right to privacy was not widely recognized till 1965 in Griswold v. Connecticut. There is currently no comprehensive federal data privacy law, resulting in a patchwork of sectoral and state data privacy laws. However, the libraries’ privacy principles obligate libraries to expand the privacy rights afforded to patrons beyond what the law requires. Examining libraries’ data privacy principles offers important lessons for envisioning new legal data privacy frameworks.

Libraries’ responsibility to protect patron privacy and confidentiality is, in fact, recognized by the law. Forty-eight states protect the confidentiality of patron records, and the attorney generals in the other two states have recognized the privacy of patrons’ library records. 

Libraries’ Approach to Data Privacy 

Precise definitions are required to understand these principles. For libraries, the right to “privacy is the right to open inquiry without having the subject of one’s interest examined or scrutinized by others.” Confidentiality is the libraries’ duty to keep personally identifiable information private on patrons’ behalf. Personally Identifiable Information (PII) is information that can be used to identify a specific person.

Data Privacy Policies 

Only 19 states have passed comprehensive privacy laws. Rights recognized under state laws may include the right to request data for correction or deletion, the right to opt out of certain processing and sales, the prohibition on discrimination for exercising rights under the law, notice and transparency requirements, and data purpose and processing limitations. The state laws typically only apply to for-profit businesses that meet high thresholds for gross revenue and amount of business activity in the state. Whereas library policies protect patron data from private and government requests. State laws are also limited by their enforcement mechanisms. Many state privacy laws rely on the enforcement of attorney generals rather than create a private right of action.

In addition to complying with privacy laws, library privacy policies are developed with guidance from the ALA’s Privacy Interpretation of the Library Bill of Rights and NISO Consensus Principles on Users’ Digital Privacy in Library, Publisher, and Software-Provider Systems. Libraries have a duty to create and maintain clear, easily accessible, and understandable privacy policies for all patrons. Privacy policies include information on what data is collected, who the data is shared with, and how long the data is retained for. PII should only be collected and stored when required for specific, clearly disclosed purposes and only with the patron’s consent. Users should have the right to access their own personal information or activity data for review, export, and request correction or deletion. Libraries should process these requests wherever operationally feasible.

Libraries practice data minimization, meaning libraries only collect personal data necessary for an operational purpose. Libraries default to practices such as purpose limitation and opting users out of nonessential data collections. Patrons should have an opportunity to give explicit consent so they can make an informed decision whether to agree with the collection of their data for nonessential purposes. Patrons should also be able to opt out at any time. For instance, some libraries offer patrons to opt in to a saved history of their checked-out books, otherwise, this data is deleted by default.

Libraries’ privacy policies often reflect a deep commitment to patron trust. As Mustafa Hassoun, a privacy attorney at Hillis Clark Martin & Peterson, noted, “Libraries always strive to do right by their patrons.” He works with libraries across Washington state and emphasized that “this commitment to patron trust and data stewardship continues even in the absence of broader legislation like the People’s Privacy Act, which would significantly expand data protection requirements in Washington.”

Vendor Partners 

Libraries aim to hold vendor partners, such as publishers and software providers, accountable to their data privacy principles where possible. Vendors are obligated to make their data use policies accessible to patrons. Libraries also carefully consider patrons’ privacy before entering data sharing agreements with vendors. The ALA’s Privacy Interpretation guides libraries to never share patron’s PII with vendors unless they have explicit patron permission or are required to under law or existing contract. When such information is shared, “any data collected for analysis should be anonymous or aggregated, it should never be linked to personal information.” Finally, when procuring new technologies, “[b]iometric technologies, like facial recognition, do not align with the library’s mission of facilitating access without unjust surveillance.”

The library community has developed processes and resources to negotiate contracts that align with their privacy principles. This is significant given that readers often lack clarity into how vendors use their data. Also, vendor partners may have great incentives to collect and aggregate as much user data as possible.

Complying with Law Enforcement 

The ALA guides library workers to consult with their library administration and legal counsel before complying with law enforcement. Records are to be shared only in response to a properly executed court order or legal process. “If a library worker is compelled to release information by a valid subpoena or court order,” they are instructed to personally retrieve the requested information rather than “allowing the law enforcement agency to perform its own retrieval [which] may compromise confidential information that is not subject to the current request.” 

Libraries have chosen to strictly comply with the boundaries of the law to balance the strong interest of protecting patron privacy while complying with legal orders. As Jonathan Franklin, a Digital Innovation Law Librarian at the University of Washington, puts it, “In a world where all data is seen as having value, it might be that the easiest path is to delete nothing and sell/use everything, so protecting privacy over profits takes extra-effort.” Companies or other entities may have different incentives for more broadly collaborating with law enforcement. Companies like Ring, Flock, and many others are directly partnering with law enforcement to share data that facilitates surveillance of customers and the broader public.

Looking Forward: Lessons and Challenges

Libraries provide important insights regarding how to enact data privacy principles and policies that champion people’s freedom of intellectual exploration and expression. As data privacy law continues to develop and transform, these lessons from libraries exemplify how data privacy principles can be enacted to uphold people’s privacy and civil liberties.

The privacy ideals of libraries are constrained by the realities of limited resources and funding. One study found that libraries face significant challenges when upholding patron privacy due to lack of technical knowledge and training among staff, as well as inadequate funding for training or privacy protection tools. Many of the data privacy studies and resources developed by and for librarians are funded by the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS) grants. The current administration is attempting to dismantle IMLS, though that is being challenged in court. Amid these pressures, libraries have an almost century-long tradition of protecting patron data from censorship and surveillance.

As C. Allison Sills, an instructional librarian in North Carolina, aptly stated, the “Invasion of privacy by retaining patron checkout history is tantamount to book banning. If you surveil the populace, the populace will start to self-censor to prevent ‘potential’ discrimination, which starts the fear cycle.”

Alamo Drafthouse’s Insolvency and How a Small Theater Chain’s Bankruptcy Changed the Theater Business

By: Alyssa Blackstone

In March of 2021, a theater chain called Alamo Drafthouse filed for bankruptcy. Alamo Drafthouse is a beloved chain in the cities it is present in, such as Austin (the city where it was founded), Los Angeles, and New York. It is known for serving food and alcohol during the screenings, prohibiting cell phone use, screening its films ad-free and instead displaying a tailor-made to the film it plays in front of.. While being beloved, Alamo Drafthouse unfortunately suffered from the economic consequences of the Covid pandemic, the writer and actor strike, and decreasing numbers of theatergoers in general

In a move that saved the chain from disappearing forever, Sony Pictures Entertainment bought the theater franchise in June 2024. They allegedly purchased the chain for $200 million, and will run it out of the new Sony Pictures Experiences Division. This is an almost unprecedented move, however.  A major film studio has not owned a theater chain in over 70 years

This is due to the Supreme Court case United States v. Paramount. In this case, eight movie studios were accused of price fixing theater tickets and essentially monopolizing the exhibition of theater films. The Supreme Court found that the studios had engaged in monopolization and conspiracy to fix theater prices, and from this case the Paramount Decrees were born. 

The Paramount Decrees, among other things, prohibited the movie studios from both distributing their film and owning theaters at the same time without the consent of the court. This is why major film studios have not owned movie theaters or theater chains until very recently. Regulations have relaxed over the years, such as Sony and Universal being allowed to own stake in the theater chain Loews, or Netflix being able to own theaters in Los Angeles and New York

In 2020, the Department of Justice (DOJ) rescinded the Paramount Decrees. There were two major reasons for this decision. First, the DOJ believed that the way the studios that first signed the decrees existed is different now. Many of the studios are run differently or are owned by other companies. Alongside that, the way Hollywood functions now is completely different from the way it used to function, making the Paramount Decrees unviable in the modern era. 

With the Paramount Decrees gone, that opened the way for a studio like Sony Pictures to purchase the Alamo Drafthouse chain, completely legally. Sony is the first major studio to make this move, but not the only one thinking about it. Amazon has been rumored to be eyeing the theater chain AMC for a future buyout
While maybe not a monopoly in the same way as in the old Hollywood system, some believe cinema is once again becoming a monopoly, with how many studios are buying up and acquiring other studios, making the entertainment we consumed controlled by fewer and fewer companies. Movie studios being able to buy up theaters and theater chains could contribute to that, once again giving them control over distribution and exhibition of the films that we watch.

#Sponsored or #Deceptive? Understanding the FTC’s Rule on Influencer Ads

By: Penny Pathanaporn

Introduction

Have you ever noticed the endless stream of brand endorsements flooding your social media feed? Maybe you’d never even considered buying that gadget or outfit, but after watching a few influencer hauls and product reviews, you suddenly find yourself engaging in overconsumption. 

While endorsement content may be enticing enough to make you click “add to cart,” they also raise important questions: just how truthful—and lawful—are these advertisements? To answer that question, we must examine the legislation that governs marketing practices, as enforced by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC).

Legal Framework and FTC Authority 

Under Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act (15 USC 45), commercial entities are prohibited from engaging in ‘‘unfair or deceptive acts or practices . . . .’’ According to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), a practice is considered deceptive if three elements are met: (1) there is “a representation, omission or practice that is likely to mislead the consumer,” (2) the representation, omission or practice is directed toward a “consumer [who is] acting reasonably,” and (3) the representation, omission, or practice is likely to impact the consumer’s decision regarding the product. 

 In an effort to further regulate deceptive marketing practices, the FTC implemented a new rule on August 14, 2024: the Trade Regulation Rule on the Use of Consumer Reviews and Testimonials. Under this new rule, commercial entities are prohibited from, among other practices, “selling or purchasing fake consumer reviews or testimonials, buying positive or negative consumer reviews . . . [, and] creating a company-controlled review website that falsely purports to provide independent reviews . . . .” In addition, the rule bars “insiders [from] creating consumer reviews or testimonials without clearly disclosing their relationships.” 

Given how readily traditional advertising has evolved into influencer marketing, it is no surprise that the FTC introduced this rule to directly address the shift in modern-day promotional tactics.

Revolve Class Action Lawsuit

Within the last month or so, Revolve—a fashion retailer—has been hit with a $50 million dollar class action lawsuit. The plaintiffs allege that Revolve’s marketing practices do not comply with Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act (15 USC 45). In the lawsuit, the plaintiffs claim that Revolve allowed influencers to promote its products on social media without disclosing that these endorsements were paid partnerships, or that the influencers had preexisting relationships with the brand. The plaintiffs further claim that this marketing approach misled consumers into making purchases they might have reconsidered if they had known about the true nature of the endorsements.

Shein Class Action Lawsuit 

Similar to Revolve, Shein–a fast fashion retailer with a global online presence—was recently named in a class action lawsuit alleging violations of the Federal Trade Commission Act. The plaintiffs allege that Shein paid influencers to endorse their products on social media without clearly disclosing their financial relationships. 

According to the lawsuit, Shein allegedly depended on these influencers to portray themselves as regular shoppers or genuine supporters of the brand. This marketing strategy allegedly involved concealing sponsorship disclosures within hashtag-heavy captions or leaving the disclosures out altogether. Like the plaintiffs in the Revolve lawsuit, the plaintiffs here assert that they would have reconsidered their Shein purchases had they been aware of the true nature of the endorsements.  

FTC Guidance: What Brands and Businesses Can Do to Prevent Liability 

In direct response to the rise in influencer marketing, the FTC has published guidelines on how brands and influencers can collaborate while ensuring compliance with U.S. consumer protection laws. Per the guidelines, the FTC advises influencers to always “disclose when [they] have any financial, employment, personal, or family relationship with a brand.” This means that, whether the influencer was paid to promote the brand or merely gifted free products, the influencer must still make the appropriate disclosures to remain legally compliant. 

In regard to disclosure placements, the FTC emphasizes that disclosures should be easily noticeable by consumers. For example, the FTC discourages placing the disclosures within a list of hashtags or links; instead, disclosures should appear directly alongside the message of endorsement. For video content, the FTC recommends including disclosures in the video itself in addition to the accompanying caption. As for language, disclosures should be written in clear and simple terms—ranging from direct acknowledgments of brand partnerships to shorter hashtags like “#sponsored” or “#ad.”

Lastly, it is crucial for brands and influencers alike to understand that, although brand endorsements may be published abroad, U.S. consumer protection laws will still apply if it is “reasonably foreseeable that the post will affect U.S. consumers.” 

Conclusion

Influencer marketing represents a modern form of advertising—one that is both highly accessible and incredibly personal, blurring the line between genuine content and paid promotion. Left unchecked, influencer marketing—which involves consistent and personal engagement with consumers—can easily lead to negative impacts on consumption. The FTC’s new rule and guidelines help protect consumer rights while giving companies and influencers the freedom to develop their brands, honor their creativity, and grow their businesses.

#FTC #SocialMediaMarketing #AdDisclosure #WJLTA